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Will Solfiac
Intéressé par l’histoire, la démographie, la politique, l’économie, la psychologie. J’écris dans The Critic et sur mon site ci-dessous.
Rien n'illustre l'irrélevance du colonialisme par rapport à la croissance économique moderne plus que le PIB par habitant estimé de l'Espagne au cours des 500 dernières années. Gouverner de vastes étendues de la surface du monde avec accès à de grandes quantités d'argent n'apparaît même pas sur le graphique !

324,55K
L'impression que l'on a de plus en plus du gouvernement de Starmer est qu'ils essaient de faire de leur mieux pour réparer et optimiser les choses dans le cadre du fonctionnement actuel du système. Gérer la migration dans le cadre des droits de l'homme, augmenter la croissance dans le cadre des parties prenantes des ONG.
Mais cela ne fonctionne pas parce que c'est le système plus large lui-même qui doit être complètement refait. Et c'est ce que Reform promet, du moins en style et en rhétorique.

The New Statesman22 oct. 2025
DOOM LOOP by @AndrewMarr9
Why no politician can get Britain out of this mess
The postwar British political establishment is collapsing. The Conservatives threw themselves into a death spiral last year, though it had been a long time in the making. Now in government, Labour is heading in the same direction. The nation’s patience has snapped. The likelihood is that at the next election, almost whatever happens, we will be stuck with a government we didn’t expect. What follows may be bleak.
After Keir Starmer’s victory, I succumbed to that hard-to-forgive journalistic sin: the faint prickle of optimism. With a big majority, it seemed that, perhaps at last, the “grown-ups” were in charge. Starmer promised “to restore service and respect to politics, end the era of noisy performance, tread more lightly on your lives, and unite our country”.
But shocks kept coming. Above all, the Labour establishment had underestimated the deeper difficulties of so much it was facing. The intractable problem of ballooning welfare spending and worklessness; the sheer incompetence of much of the state; the pressures on housing and public services caused by the post-Brexit immigration wave. It did not feel as if a new government meant a new start, not in daily life.
For now – perhaps for the rest of our lifetimes – the two-party system lies in ruins. From once-Labour Wales to inner-city London, people who a few years ago would not have given Reform the time of day are privately reassessing, due to impatience and despair. Unless something substantial changes, we are heading for a Reform government.
The Conservatives, underpinned by business, hereditary wealth, the military and the poor old Church of England, are being scattered to the winds. The party of organised labour has gone the same way as, well, organised labour. Yet the old arguments about economic vitality, fairness and cohesion will also be the new arguments. My greatest fear is that we come to feel, before too long, that these past wildly turbulent years were relatively calm and kindly ones.

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Toute l'Europe de l'Ouest avait des mariages assez tardifs selon les normes mondiales.
Les données sur l'âge moyen historique des femmes au premier mariage que j'ai trouvées jusqu'à présent sont d'environ 13 ans en Inde, 14/15 ans dans le monde arabe, 17/18 ans en Chine, 23 ans dans le sud de l'Italie et en Espagne, 24 ans en France. Les données proviennent généralement des 16e au 18e siècles.

Will Solfiac23 oct. 2025
There's a tendency among some on the right to think that being trad means 'returning' to the family structure of premodern India, where indeed girls did normally get married at 13, and you'd always live with your grandmother.
Rather than the model of their actual own civilisation where marriage wouldn't happen till the mid 20s and families were nuclear (in England at least) going back to the medieval period.

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